Take-Home Exam B.A. Course Syntax 2010
I. Form three minimal pairs and provide an account for each of them. (30%).
(1) a What does Williams regret that Johnson bought? b What does Williams think that Johnson bought?
a 中由于regret 的补助语的事件是预设的，事件内的论元是存在的（无论后悔与否事件及其论元都是存在的）。因此论元是独立依存的，不能所指依存Williams 关于此事件的 regret. 所以从regret 补助语的提取是不可能的。相反，（1b）中的 think 的补助语内事件的确定依存 thinking 的行为，因此论元所指依存事件，这样提取就是合法的。若使（1a）合法，必须建立一个话语场景，regretting 是预设的并且其内容是被提问的，如此才能允许所指依存，这要求特殊的对比语调。所指依存的另一个重要部分就是确定（definite）所指，如果论元是确定的，那么是独立所指，无需所指依存事件，反之，就需要所指依存。主题的提取同样受到所指依存限制。
(2) a Who did John believe the claim that Brown is dating? b Who did John make the claim that Brown is dating?
在（2a）中，the claim 有固定的所指，无论John 相信与否；而在（2b）中，有轻动词结构，致使事件 making the claim 和 claiming 一样，复杂 NP无法有确定所指，其内论元可以所指依存事件。
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(3) a 这本书，我没见过一个能读懂的人。 b 这本书，我没见过那个能读懂的人。
(3a) 中复杂NP是不确定所指的，因此NP 内论元和所指成分可以喝动词形成的事件构成所指依存关系。如果把“一个”换成“那个”，那就不同了。显然 (3b) 中的NP 具有所指的确定性，其内变量是独立依存的，无法所指依存主题算子域内动词形成事件，所以句子不可接受。
(4) a Who will teach what? b what will who teach?
多元 wh 问句中，语类α非对称地成分统制( asymmetrically c-command)β，那么α则比β具有先进行移位的优势。于是，处于主语位置的wh短语优于宾语位置的wh短语，如果宾语 wh 短语跨越 wh短语移入句首Spec-CP位置则违背优势条件(superiority condition). 这里who 的句法位次高于what, 所以（4a）中的who 优于what 而先期移至Spec-CP 位置，遵循优势条件，句子合乎语法；(4b) 中的 who 原位不动，而句法位次低的 what 移至句首，违背优势条件，句子不合法。
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(5) a For her to beat Mary would be difficult.
b Her to beat Mary would be difficult.
Non-finite I of the infinitival clause is “weak”and can’t assign case to the [Spec, IP]. It is not governor and that its projection IP can’t block outside government. Hence (5b) violates case filter which claims that every overt NP must be assigned abstract case. “ Her “ can’t be assigned case. So (5b) is illegal. In (5a), “ for” can govern into non-finite IP and case-mark its subject. The prepositional complementizer for in (5a) case-marks the subject NP of the infinitival clause: (5a) passes the case filter and is grammatical.
(6) a Maryi thinks that herselfi is the best actor.
b Maryi thinks that a picture of herselfi will be beautiful. In (6a) the finite subordinate clause contains the reflexive, its governor(I) and an accessible subject (AGR) and will constitute the binding domain in which the reflexive must be bound. The AGR is an accessible subject because herself and AGR in is can be coindexed without violating. So herself and Mary can’t be coindexed. So the sentence (6a) is illegal. In (6b), the governor of herself is of, the preposition. In orde for the NP subject of the lower clause [a picture of herself] to be accessible, we must be able to coindex it with the reflexive. This coindexation is banned because it would violate the i-within-I filter. Besides, the AGR of the lower clause couldn’t be counted as an
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句法学
