The Mindanao Peace Process: Mediating Peace between the Philippine Government and the Moro Fronts
By Fr. Eliseo R. Mercado, OMI
Notre Dame University – Philippines
Fulbright NCS 2003 – Georgetown University – Washington DC
The Mindanao Peace Process is not a new invention of our era. In fact, the present realities in Mindanao are fruits of various peace processes with differing foci and emphases depending on the mood and temper of the Manila based central government.
Historically, the establishments of Fort del Pilar in Zamboanga City, the naval station at Polloc in the present province of Maguindanao, the “intramuros” in the town of Jolo and the military stations along the Rio Grande de Mindanao from Taviran to Reina Regente were few examples of containment programs to build peace in the southern Philippines. The so-called Moro problem haunted the Spanish government in Manila for more than three centuries and half. The northern Mindanao and some parts of western Mindanao were successfully brought to the mainstream politics by way of settlements beginning the second half of the 19th century. But in southern Mindanao, including the islands of Sulu, Tawi Tawi, and Basilan, the Spanish presence was limited to military stations and garrisons, except for pockets of civilian settlements in the present city of Zamboanga and Cotabato City.
Largely, the Moro populace was left on their own. They lived under their sultans and datus and were governed according to their laws and traditions. The Spanish government interfered in the Moro affairs by way playing politics in several succession issues in the Sultanate of Sulu and in the two dominant sultanates in the mainland Mindanao (Buayan and Maguindanao). However, the Moro people always rejected Spanish anointment and recognition.
The political and economic configurations in Southern Philippines were radically altered during the American occupation. It began with a peace pact known as Bates Treaty in 1899, with the Sultan of Sulu recognizing the sovereignty of the USA. This was the real beginning of a campaign to integrate/assimilate the Moro people into the mainstream body politics in the whole archipelago. After the unilateral abrogation of the Bates Treaty, the American US colonial government with its far superior army brought the surrender of practically all Moro resistance to the American rule.
To put the peace in Southern Mindanao on a more solid footing, several peace programs were unfolded. First was the economic development of Mindanao’s fertile land. Plantations were opened and business was established in major trading posts, e.g. Zamboanga, Cotabato, Jolo, and Iligan. Second, Mindanao was opened to settlement from Luzon and the Visayas. It began with the establishment of the agricultural colonies in the fertile plains of the then empire province of Cotabato. This was followed by a massive and a well planned settlement programs during the Commonwealth period and
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continued unabated in the post war era during the subsequent administrations of Presidents Roxas, Quirino, and Magsaysay.
One of the pillars of the integration program was the educational system established in the whole Southern Philippines. The two salient features of this peace program were the “universal” public school system and the “pensionado” (scholarship) program for the scion of Moro ruling families. From the latter would emerge the “new” Moro leaders (the Piang brothers, Pendatum, Sinsuats, Alonto, Lukman, Kirams, etc.) who advocated the full integration of the Moro people into Philippine body politics?
The Southern Philippines has also seen several administrative structures from 1899 to the present. First, there was the military rule from the time of General Wood to General Pershing. Then, this was followed by the establishment of the Moro Province under a civilian governor. Then came the creation of the Department of Mindanao and Sulu. After this, the Bureau for the Non-Christian Tribes was established to be followed by the creation of regular provinces. The civilian governors were first appointed by the President and subsequently elected under the 1935 Constitution. This set up remained in place until the conflagration of the early '70s.
During the past 100 years, Mindanao has seen a dramatic shift in population and landownership that has contributed to the beginning of the modern conflict. In 1900 the Muslim population in Mindanao made up more than 90% of the island’s inhabitants, but by 1970, the Muslims constitute barely 20% of the population of Mindanao. The population shift came about through policies that gave Christian population from Luzon and the Visayas incentives to migrate to Mindanao. The new immigrants, with legal titles issued by the government claimed and tilled large tracts of land claimed by the Moro and other indigenous peoples as their homeland.
The “minoritization” of the Moro people was compounded by what was conceived as “policy of neglect” by the Manila Government that led to poverty and failure to deliver basic services and infrastructure for development. By the late 1960, the Moro peoples’ “groaning” and resentment reached a fever pitch that eventually led to the formation of the Moro National Liberation Front under the leadership of Nur Misuari espousing the politics of separatism.
The open war between the Philippine Government and the MNLF calling for a separate and independent Islamic Republic ensued following the declaration of Martial Rule on September 21, 1971. It was a cruel and “sectarian” war that fed on the historical and religious prejudices and animosities between Christian settlers and the Muslims.
The war in Mindanao attracted the attention of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Attempts at reconciliation between the MNLF and GRP were initiated through the OIC mediation. On December 23, 1976, The Marcos Government and the MNLF signed the Tripoli Peace Agreement as a concrete response to the Moro people’s demand for local self-rule in what was recognized as the “Bangsamoro homeland” within the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of the Philippines.
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The Philippine government came up with several structural arrangements to respond to the Moro people’s demand for self-rule under the framework of the Tripoli Agreement
Political Structures Adopted by GRP vis-à-vis Muslim Autonomy
The Philippine government under President Marcos and President Aquino came up with different political set ups to address the autonomy issue in southern Philippines. It will be a great help to review this set-up in order to contextualize the present debate or impasse between the GRP and the MNLF and the “on and often off” peace talks between the GRP and the MILF.
? PD 742 and LOI 290. Prior to the historical Tripoli Agreement, then President Marcos on July 7, 1975 issued Presidential Decree 742 and Letter of Instruction 290 establishing the Office of the Regional Commissioner for Region IX and Region XII. He appointed tested administrators, Rear Admiral Romulo Espaldon former Governor Simeon Datumanong, Regional Commissioners for Regions IX and XII respectively. The government believed that by creating special Regional Commissions in the areas involved in the conflict, the social as well as the economic causes of conflict could be better addressed through government’s coordinated and fast responses by removing piece meal measures and red tapes.
? Tripoli Agreement (TA): On December 23, 1976, the GRP and the MNLF under the auspices of the Organization of Islamic Countries through its Quadripartite Commission signed a peace agreement in Tripoli, Libya. They also signed an agreement for immediate cessation of hostilities. Everybody, then, welcomed the agreement with much fanfares and celebrations. For one, it was the first peaceful Christmas since 1972. That piece of document worked magic for all, civilians and combatants alike. It put an immediate stop to shootings, ambuscades, killings, and war. The environment of war was transformed into a hope-filled expectation for an enduring peace settlement in the Southern Philippines.
? Proclamation 1628: On March 26, 1977, President Marcos established a provisional government in the 13 provinces stipulated in the Tripoli Agreement. Lanao del Sur Governor Ali Dimaporo was appointed Chairman with all the governor in the said provinces with the two Regional Commissioners and Batasan Assemblyman Hussein Loong as members.
? The first Plebiscite: On April 17, 1977, a plebiscite was conducted in the 13 provinces. The people in the 13 provinces overwhelmingly rejected the merger of the 13 provinces into one autonomous region. They opted for two separate regional autonomous governments, one for Region IX and one for Region XII with the provinces of Davao del Sur, South Cotabato, and Palawan opting for exclusion from the autonomous regions. Following the result of the referendum, President Marcos issued Proclamation 1628-A defining the composition of the two Autonomous Regions.
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? Batas Blg. 20. Following the Presidential Proclamation, the Batasan Pambangsa (National Parliament) passed Batas Blg. 20 provided for the organization of Sanguniang Pampook (Regional Legislative Council) and Lupong Tagapagpaganap (Executive Council) in each autonomous region.
? Presidential Decree 1618. President Marcos issued PD 1618 on July 25, 1979 implementing the organization of Sanguniang Pampook and Lupong Tagapagpaganap in the Autonomous Regions IX and XII thus providing the final political set up and framework of autonomous governance in Regions IX and XII.
The Aquino Presidency and the Moro Fronts
? The 1987 Aquino Constitution. On February 2, 1987, the new Constitution was unanimously ratified. This constitution provides for the creation of autonomous regions in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras by and Act of Congress with the assistance of a Regional Consultative Commission. President Aquino convened the RCC in Cotabato City on March 11, 1988. The RCC was mandated to come up with a draft Organic Act to be submitted to Congress for enactment.
? On 1989, the Congress of the Philippines passed Republic Act 6734 or the Organic Act for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao and on August 1, 1989, President Aquino signed it into law.
? The Second Plebiscite of 1989. Republic Act 6734 was submitted to the people of the 13 provinces and nine cities as stipulated in the Tripoli Agreement on November 19, 1990. Only four (4) out of 13 provinces and nine cities ratified the Organic Act. These were the Provinces of Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi Tawi.
? The First ARMM Elections. The ARMM elections for all elected offices were held on July 9, 1990. Zacaria Candao and Benjamin Loong were elected Regional Governor and Vice Governor respectively. The ARMM elections regularized and completed the 1987 Constitutional steps in creating the autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao.
Under the Ramos Government
President Ramos on his inaugural speech upon assumption to office in July 1992, unfolded a policy of “unification and reconciliation” between and among the many rebel fronts in the country. He established the National Unification Commission (NUC) and appointed Atty. Heidi Yorac as Chair. Pres. Ramos also tapped the personnel and infrastructures of the two well-established institutions, the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines and the National Council of Churches of the Philippines, in the work of the Commission. The stated goal of the Commission was to conduct a nationwide people’s consultation to find out the root causes of rebellion and unrest in the country. The result of the NUC consultation shaped the Ramos peace policy.
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The Vision and Framework of Peace Process – EO 125
Following the publication of the result of the national consultation, Pres. Ramos issued Executive Order 125 on August 25, 1996 articulating the vision and the framework of the peace process that his administration would pursue to address the three internal armed conflicts: The National Democratic Front (NDF), the Muslim Separatist Movements in Southern Philippines and the Military Rebellion.
The peace process is anchored on three principles that define Government policy and goals. They are the following:
1. The Peace Process must be community based and not defined solely by government nor by armed rebels, nor any single sector, but by Filipinos as a community;
2. The Peace Process must lead to a new social compact for a just, equitable, humane and pluralistic society, and ensure free and fair political competition; and 3. The Peace Process must seek a principled and peaceful resolution of the armed conflicts with dignity for all concerned and not surrender.
These articulated principles led to the formulation of the famous six paths to peace that became, more or less, the “magna carta” that guided government in responding to the issue of armed conflict in the country. These are the following:
1. That Government must initiate and implement social, economic and political reforms to address the root causes of rebellion and social unrest;
2. That Government shall pursue consensus-building and people empowerment through mobilization and facilitation of people’s participation and support for community peace initiatives;
3. That Government shall seek peaceful and negotiated settlements with rebel groups with no surrender or shame but with dignity for all concerned;
4. That Government shall initiate reconciliation with and re-integration of former combatants and indemnify civilian victims of the armed conflict;
5. That Government shall ensure the continued protection of civilians caught in the midst of armed conflict, reduction of violence in conflict areas and prevention and management of conflict; and
6. That Government shall build and nurture a climate of peace that includes peace advocacy and peace education.
The GRP and the MNLF Peace Process (1993-96)
? The Cipanas Agreement (West Java, Indonesia) of April 14-19, 1993 and the Jakarta Memorandum of Agreement of October 25- November 7, 1993. These two documents paved the way for the new peace process between the GRP and the MNLF. There were four basic agreements as stipulated by these two documents signed by the GRP and MNLF representatives. First was the full implementation of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement both in letter and spirit within the realm of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of the Philippines. Second was the interim cease-fire agreement stipulating a cessation of provocative acts and armed hostilities for the
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The Mindanao Peace Process Mediating Peace betwe：棉
