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2017年“普译奖”全国大学生翻译比赛
英译汉
Things are not just inert objects that simply do what we make them do. They carry meanings, meanings sometimes so powerful that they over- whelm their use entirely. The double life of things is most easily spotted at the upper end of consumption. The court, for instance, had to be filled with objects of the finest quality, not because an expensive elegant stool was more useful than a cheap sturdy one, but because it was doing more work than supporting the rear end of the person sitting on it. It was what it was because it had to publicize the wealth and elegance that the court was expected to embody.
The Yuan and Ming courts were accordingly major consumers of luxury objects: paintings to be hung on walls, furniture to be sat on, place settings ordered from the porcelain kilns in Jingdezhen, silks to dress themselves and their families, elegantly bound books to read and to present to loyal subordinates. The scale of courtly consumption was vast. An entire apparatus of state workshops, some of them within the precincts of the palace itself, some in key manufacturing cities such as Suzhou and Hangzhou, came into being to manufacture the luxury objects the court commanded. Popular taste followed suit, of course. People outside the imperial family eyed these luxuries for themselves and connived to consume them, though they could only do so within some very particular rules—such as making sure that whenever you bought something with a dragon on it, that dragon's feet sported only four claws instead of five. Recall that the discovery of bowls decorated with dragons counted against the Jesuits.
Taste was not a one-way conveyor belt extending from the court to society. Some people might wish to imitate the emperor by acquiring the objects he consumed, or more likely knock-offs of the real things, but to men of discrimination, this was a losing game. Better to set your own standards—and this is what the gentry did, developing styles that ac- corded with their own consumption preferences. These hinged not on what was costly and conspicuous (though it was always nice to be noticed, especially when you had paid a lot for the thing being consumed) but on
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what was elegant. Elegance was a tough criterion to master, tough enough to stump the nouveaux riches. It could even be tough enough to put emperors at a disadvantage, which was the point. What did an emperor have except Heaven's mandate, a security apparatus, and an apparently endless supply of cash? Without his Confucian tutors, he could have no knowledge of the subjects of which men of good taste should be in full command: antiquities, painting, calligraphy, books, even comportment. Khubilai and Zhu Yuanzhang did not trouble themselves about mastering such arcana. Their descendants, many of whom came to the throne as children, did no better. They had tutors in such matters, but they listened to them half-heartedly. Compared to their Song predecessors, the thirty Yuan and Ming emperors stand out for their utter lack of cultural attainments. The exception is the Xuande emperor (r. 1426– 1435), grandson of Yongle and
great-grandson of the founder—the rare case of an emperor sufficiently absorbed in the culture of elegance to achieve real skill as a painter. But he is the only one.
In an economy based as much on taste as on money, the emperor as wealthy consumer had to cede place to the gentry connoisseur as elegant consumer. Emperors merely possessed things, whereas connoisseurs used them to express the highest ideas of their culture: thoughtful contemplation, aesthetic discernment, and good taste. The two practices of consumption—the conspicuous and the elegant—influenced each other, but largely went on in separate social realms. Thus, while Zhu Yuanzhang was furnishing his palace in Nanjing, a wealthy collector by the name of Cao Zhao was in the same city compiling a guide to collecting elegant artifacts. Essential Criteria for Discriminating Antiquities (Gewu yaolun), which taught gentry readers how to identify objects worth collecting and to appreciate them without being tainted by the urge to possess them. The emperor would not have been interested. Still, whether merely acquisitive or deeply cultural, consumption had the powerful effect of stimulating the creation of an extraordinary oeuvre of art and artifacts that defines what most people think of as \ From：《THE TROUBLED EMPIRE-CHINA IN THE YUAN AND MING DYNASTIES》Author：CANADA Timothy Brook
事物不仅仅是惰性物体，只做我们让它们做的事情。它们具有意义，意义有时如此强大，以至于完全超出了他们的使用范围。事物的双重生活最容易发现在消
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费的上端。例如，宫廷必须充满最优质的物品，而不是因为昂贵优雅的凳子比廉价坚固的便器更有用，而是因为它比支持坐在其上的人的后面做更多的工作。这是因为它必须宣传和体现宫廷的财富和优雅。
因此，元朝和明朝的宫廷是豪华物品的主要消费者：挂在墙上的画，坐的家具，从景德镇订购的瓷窑，他们和家人穿着打扮的丝绸，用来阅读和提交给忠实下属的优雅书籍。宫廷的消费规模庞大。整个国家工作坊，其中一些在宫廷本身的区域内，部分在苏州，杭州等重点制造城市，成为制造宫廷命令的豪华物品。当然，流行的气味也随之而来。皇室以外的人们为了自己而着眼于这些奢侈品，并且倾向于消费它们，尽管它们只能在一些非常特殊的规则中这样做，例如确保每当你用龙买东西时，那只龙的脚只运动四只爪不是五爪。回想一下，用龙装饰碗的发明是耶稣会士。
气味不是从宫廷延伸到社会的单向传送带。有些人可能希望通过获取他所消费的物品，或者更可能是仿冒真实的事物来模仿皇帝，但对于歧视的人来说，这是一场失败的比赛。更好地设定自己的标准 - 这是绅士所做的，开发符合自己消费偏好的风格。这些都不是昂贵和显眼的（尽管总是很高兴被注意到，特别是当你为了消耗的东西付出了很多代价），而在于优雅。优雅是掌握一个艰难的准则，这足以使暴发户们暴富。甚至有可能使皇帝处于劣势，这是重要的。除了天命，安全机构和显然无尽的现金供应，皇帝有什么？没有他的孔子导师，他就不知道哪些好的男人品味应该是要完全掌握的东西：古物，绘画，书法，书籍，甚至是行为举止。忽必烈和朱元璋并没有为掌握这样的奥秘而烦恼。他们的后代，其中许多人像孩子一样就坐上了皇位，没有做的更好。他们在这些事情上有导师，但他们半途而废。与宋代前辈相比，三十个元朝和明朝皇帝都因缺乏文化素养而脱颖而出。唯一的例外是宣德皇帝（1426-1435年），永乐的孙子和创始人的曾孙 - 这个罕见的皇帝充分体现了优雅文化，实现了画家的真正技能。但他是唯一的。
在一个像金钱一样的经济中，作为富裕消费者的皇帝必须把优雅的消费者放在绅士鉴赏家身上。皇帝只是拥有东西，而鉴赏家则用他们来表达他们文化的最高想法：周到的思考，美学的辨别和良好的品味。消费的两种做法 - 显眼和优雅的相互影响，但在很大程度上是分开的社会领域。因此，当朱元璋在南京装饰宫殿时，、一名叫曹昭的富豪收藏家在同一个城市编制了一本收藏优雅文物的指南。歧视古物的基本标准（格古要论），教导绅士读者如何识别值得收藏的物品，并欣赏它们，而不会被拥有它们的冲动所污染。皇帝不会有兴趣。然而，无论是收购还是深度文化，消费都具有强大的效果，刺激了创造出非凡的艺术和文物作品，这些艺术和文物定义了大多数人认为是“明”。
来自：《乱世帝国-中国在元朝和明朝》作者：加拿大蒂莫西溪
汉译英
清华大学的学生创客们：
\五四\青年节前，收到你们的来信，被你们的活力所感染，更为你们的创新精神所打动。创客将奇思妙想转化成现实产品，这与刻在你们校园日晷上\行胜于言\的校风相得益彰。毫无疑问，学习是学生第一位的任务。我希望当代大学生要有钻研学问的精进态度，学好基础知识，提高基础本领，筑实基础研究，在
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最新年“普译奖”全国大学生翻译比赛
