2019年6月Catti英语二级笔译真题与精校翻译答案
一、 英译汉首篇文章
In 2009, Time magazine hailed an online math program piloted at three New York City public schools, as one of the year’s 50 best innovations. Each day, the software generated individualized math “playlists” for students who then chose the “modality” in which they wished to learn — software, a virtual teacher or a flesh-and-blood one. A different algorithm sorted teachers’ specialties and schedules to match a student’s needs. “It generates the lessons, the tests and it grades the tests,” one veteran instructor marveled. 2009年，美国《时代》周刊对三所位于纽约市的公立学校所试行的一项在线数学课程盛赞不已，并将其称为是该年度的50大最佳创新成果之一。该数学课程软件每天都会为学生量身定制个性化的数学课“播放列表”，而后，学生便可根据自身想要学习的内容选择适合的“模式”。 该软件因此也就成为了一名虚拟的老师，但却又展现出有血有肉的真情实感。借助一种不同寻常的算法，该课程软件可对所有老师的专业课程与排课日程进行分门别类，以迎合每位学生的个体需求。一名资深的老师曾为此惊叹不已并称道：“该软件不但能为学生生成课程，还能出具测验内容，更可对测验结果进行打分”。
Although the program made only modest improvements in students’ math scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools (not the 50 for which it was slated), it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea Gabor charts in “After the Education Wars.” For more than three decades, an unlikely coalition of corporate philanthropists, educational technology entrepreneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of school reform characterized by the overvaluing of technology and standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend
can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, “A Nation at Risk,” issued by President Ronald Reagan’s National Commission on Excellence in Education. Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with President Reagan’s disdain for public education (and teachers’ unions), “A Nation at Risk” blamed America’s ineffectual schools for a “rising tide of mediocrity” that was diminishing America’s global role in a new high-tech world.
尽管该课程并未在大幅提升学生的数学成绩方面起到立竿见影的效果，而且也只有少数几所纽约的学校采用了（并非预期的50所学校）该课程，然而，这却是安德烈埃加博尔在《教育战争》一书中所描绘的有关教学改革模式的一个典型实例。三十多年以来，一股看似不大可能结成统一战线的、由众多企业慈善家、教育技术企业家与公共教育官员们率先发起的学校教学改革风潮，其特征就在于极其重视技术和标准化测验，同时，弱化教师与社会的职能。而这一风气甚至可以追溯至罗纳德里根政府执政时期的“国家教育卓越委员会”于1983年所发布的一份言辞浮夸的报告即：《处于危险中的美国》。在日本经济腾飞的大背景下，里根总统曾对美国的公共教育（与教师工会）尽显不屑之情。与此遥相呼应地是《处于危险中的美国》也将美国“平庸之辈层出不穷”归咎于美国学校教育的无能，斥责庸人正在不断地削弱美国在全球高新科技领域里的影响力。
Policymakers turned their focus to public education as a matter of national security, one too important (and potentially too profitable) to entrust to educators. The notion that top-down decisions by politicians, not teachers, should determine what children need was a thread running through the bipartisan 2001 No Child Left Behind Act, the Obama administration’s Race to the Top and state-initiated Common Core standards, and the current charter-driven agenda of Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos. “Accountability” became synonymous with standardized tests, resulting in a testing juggernaut with large profits going to commercial publishing giants like Pearson.
决策者随后放眼公共教育领域。在决策者们看来，公共教育已上升至国家安全的高度。教育如此事关重大（或潜在的高盈利性）已完全无法让决策者安心地将发展公共教育的任务托付于教育部门。甚至有观点认为，儿童教育的需求应当由政治人物（而不是教师群体）进行自上而下的政策来加以决断。自2001年美国两党支持通过的“有教无类法案”，到奥巴马政府时期的“力争上游”计划与州政府发起的通用核心课程标准，再到现任美国教育部长贝琪德沃斯所推行的特许学校议程，这一观念始终无出左右。“责任制”已成为标准化测验的代名词，这也导致了皮尔逊等教育测试领域里的大体量、高利润机构进驻转型为商业出版巨头。 The education wars have been demoralizing for teachers, over 17 percent of whom drop out within their first five years. No one believes that teaching to the test is good pedagogy, but what are the options when students’ future educational choices, teachers’ salaries and retention and, in some states, the fate of entire schools rest on student test scores? In meticulous detail, Gabor documents reform’s institutional failings. She describes the turns in New York City’s testing-obsessed policies, the undermining of Michigan’s once fine public schools and the heartbreaking failure of New Orleans to remake its schools after Hurricane Katrina.
教育引发的战争使教员队伍士气低落，有超过17%的老师在其入职不到五年的时间里选择了离职。尽管人们都认为应试教育不是一种行之有效的教学模式，然而，当学生在为自己的继续教育做决定时，当决定老师的薪资与留任与否时；乃至美国某些州整所学校的前途与命运都被学生的测验成绩所左右时，师生们真可谓是别无选择。加博尔在书中极为详尽地赘述了教育改革的制度缺陷：纽约市教育测验的狂热政策引发了诸多转变；密歇根州公立学校的昔日优势难以为续。卡特里娜飓风肆虐过后，新奥尔良市在改造学校中亦遭遇着令人揪心的困境。 英译汉 第二篇文章
Angkor is one of the most important archaeological sites in Southeast Asia. For several centuries, Angkor was the centre of the Khmer Kingdom. With
impressive monuments, several different ancient urban plans and large water reservoirs, the site is a unique concentration of features testifying to an exceptional civilization. Temples, exemplars of Khmer architecture, are closely linked to their geographical context as well as being imbued with symbolic significance. The architecture and layout of the successive capitals bear witness to a high level of social order and ranking within the Khmer Empire. Angkor is therefore a major site exemplifying cultural, religious and symbolic values, as well as containing high architectural, archaeological and artistic significance.
吴哥乃东南亚最为重要的考古遗址之一。几个世纪以来，吴哥一直都是高棉王国的都城。吴哥，历史遗迹令人印象尤为深刻，众多古城池与大型水库遗址一道留存至今。如此甚众的稀世遗迹汇聚于此，昭示着吴哥曾经存在过的高度文明。寺庙，作为高棉的典型建筑，与其所处的周遭地理环境不仅息息相关，更意义非凡。吴哥历代的都城建筑与布局风格，无不见证着高棉帝国的社会秩序与等级。吴哥，作为一处意义重大的历史遗迹，不仅建筑密布，考古与艺术内涵丰富，而且彰显出高度的文化、宗教与象征价值。
The Angkor complex encompasses all major architectural buildings and hydrological engineering systems from the Khmer period. All the individual aspects illustrate the intactness of the site very much reflecting the splendor of the cities that once were. The site integrity however, is put under dual pressures: endogenous: exerted by more than 100,000 inhabitants distributed over 112 historic settlements scattered over the site, who constantly try to expand their dwelling areas; exogenous: related to the proximity of the town of Siem Reap, the seat of the province and a tourism hub.
吴哥建筑群落囊括了高棉时期所有重大建筑与水文工程系统，全方位地展现了该地遗址的完整性，同时，亦全然呈现出历代城池的辉煌与历史。然而，遗址的完整性目前正面临着双重压力。压力之一源自遗迹本身：遗址区域内散布着112
个历史聚居点，居住着超过10万人的居民，而居民们也无不都在处心积虑地扩大自身的地盘；压力之二源自外部：吴哥毗邻暹粒镇。而暹粒镇不仅是暹粒省首府，更是一处旅游中心。
Angkor is one of the largest archaeological sites in operation in the world. Tourism represents an enormous economic potential but it can also generate irreparable destructions of the tangible as well as intangible cultural heritage. Many research projects have been undertaken, since the international safeguarding program was first launched in 1993. The scientific objectives of the research (e.g. anthropological studies on socio-economic conditions) result in a better knowledge and understanding of the history of the site, and its inhabitants that constitute a rich exceptional legacy of the intangible heritage. The purpose is to associate the “intangible culture” to the enhancement of the monuments in order to sensitize the local population to the importance and necessity of its protection and preservation and assist in the development of the site as Angkor is a living heritage site where Khmer people in general, but especially the local population, are known to be particularly conservative with respect to ancestral traditions and where they adhere to a great number of archaic cultural practices that have disappeared elsewhere.
吴哥为世界上最大的处于经营性质的考古遗址之一。旅游业的蓬勃预示着巨大的经济潜力，但同时，旅游业也可能会对物质和非物质文化遗产造成难以弥补的破坏。自1993年启动有关实施吴哥遗迹的国际保护计划以来，数年间，已就吴哥开展了名目繁多的研究项目。科学的研究目标（如社会经济条件下的人类学研究）使人们得以更好地认识与了解吴哥遗址的历史以及那些缔造诸此璀璨非物质文化遗产的当地居民。吴哥堪称历史文化的活化石，这里的高棉人（尤其是当地人）在继承先祖传统方面表现地尤为守旧，而他们所坚守的大量古老文化习俗在其他地方早已消亡殆尽，因此，开展这些旨在将“非物质文化”与历史遗迹的保护结合起来的研究，方能使当地居民意识到吴哥遗迹保护的重要性与必要性，从而为当地遗址的开发工作助一臂之力。
2019年6月Catti英语二级笔译真题与精编翻译答案
